Last updated: April 7, 2003
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Purpose
CPT Mexico functioned as a violence reduction presence
within the low-level conflict that typifies Chiapas. Like
all CPT projects, we worked to engage systems and policies
of oppression with truth and nonviolent action. The team
was established in May 1998 and operated out of the
southern-Chiapan city of San Cristobal de las Casas.
Project Conclusion
In mid-December, 2001, CPT suspended its full-time presence in Chiapas, Mexico.
When CPT established a team in Chiapas in June, 1998, immigration and military
checkpoints dominated the roads. Two hundred internationals had been expelled from
Chiapas earlier that year. During Lent 1999 CPTers carried candles to those checkpoints
asking personnel to pray with us for the peace of Chiapas and the opportunity for
all those displaced by violence to return home. There are now no checkpoints operating
in the zone where CPT worked.
About one third of the people of Chenalhó Municipality had fled their homes because
of paramilitary threats and violence, seeking refuge in neighboring communities.
One month after CPT's arrival in 1998, renewed threats aborted the planned return
of 1100 displaced members of the pacifist Christian group Las Abejas to the communities
of Yibeljoj and Los Chorros. Starting in August 2001, CPT and other groups provided
accompaniment to more than 2500 Abejas whom, after living in refugee camps for nearly
four years, finally returned to 14 different communities. Nearly all the Abejas
are now home. As prominent players in the drama of Chiapas, the Abejas have political
leverage which provides them a great degree of security.
With Chiapas being the most militarized state in Mexico, and Chenalhó being one
of the most heavily militarized municipalities, pressure on the Abejas was extreme.
Now, at least four of the military bases in Chenalhó are closed and armed paramilitaries
no longer make appearances. Currently the greatest pressure on the indigenous people
is economic.
CPT has witnessed the transforming power of nonviolence in the changes that have
occurred since 1998 and will look for ways to continue supporting such efforts in
the coming months and years.
Background
Mexico's poorest and southern-most state of Chiapas
was thrust into the world spotlight on January 1, 1994,
when an armed resistance movement calling themselves the
Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) made up of
mostly poor, uneducated indigenous Mayan farmers donned
ski masks and took over a number of Chiapas' major
cities. The goals of the Zapatistas who took their name
from Emiliano Zapata, a major leader of the 1910 Mexican
Revolution were not unlike the goals of the original
Revolution decades ago: adequate education, land reform
that was fair and didn't favor the wealthy, and equal
rights for Mexico's indigenous people.
The armed movement did not have as it's goal the
overthrow of the Mexican government and the
implementation of a new system; it was not a political
revolution. As the eloquent Subcommandante Marcos - the
masked yet charismatic spokesperson and figurehead of the
EZLN - explained, "the political system can't be a
product of war. The war should only be to open up space
in the political arena so that the people can really have
a choice."
The organizing of the indigenous into the EZLN
actually began in the early 1980s and came out of decades
of government repression of the indigenous. The public
inauguration of the movement on January 1 was symbolic;
it coincided with the official implementation of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) into which
Mexico had entered with the US and Canada.. The
indigenous movement projected that free trade would mean
privilege granted to international business and continued
economic subjugation for their people.
The Mexican government -- the Institutionalized
Revolutionary Party (PRI) which has held a strangle-hold
on political power for over 75 years -- responded
harshly, sending armed troops to engage the Zapatistas.
For two weeks a hot war raged until a cease-fire was
negotiated. Eventually the government agreed to dialogue
with the EZLN and listen to their demands.
After three years of negotiation, both sides signed
the San Andreas Accords in 1996. Soon after, the
government refused to honor the agreement, arguing that
the government representatives did not in fact represent
the government, and proposed to start the negotiations
over. The EZLN refused, demanding that the government
honor the agreement it had already signed.
For over three years no negotiations have been held.
The EZLN-supporting communities set up what are called
"Autonomous Zones" which are in effect under
EZLN control and do not accept help or other services
from the government. Water and electricity are
appropriated. They are autonomous.
Since 1994, the Mexican government has been
militarizing Chiapas to a high degree. In addition to
establishing large military bases, another tactic has
been to place so-called "Social Labor" camps
that house soldiers and equipment, but also offer social
services like dental care, food service, and haircuts, to
the indigenous. The government argued: if the concern is
we don't provide enough, here it is -- via the armed
military.
The short-lived hot war transitioned to a cold low
intensity war characteristic of other conflict-ridden
countries in Central America. Anti-Zapatista
paramilitaries were formed composed of PRI
government-supporting indigenous who seek the power and
privilege that comes with allying with the government. It
is widely understood that the Mexican military helped
form these paramilitaries to divide the indigenous
communities. Today communities are split along these
lines: PRI-supporting groups who receive government aid
on a weekly basis, and Zapatista autonomous or
Zapatista-sympathizing communities who are under a state
of quiet siege. Often these communities are side-by-side,
in some cases communities themselves are literally split
down the middle. Psychological warfare and threats of
attacks buttressed by occasional actual violence function
to keep communities in check.
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CPT's Role
It is in this context of Low Intensity Warfare
divided communities, and a military that is trying to
construct a mask of social legitimacy that Christian
Peacemaker Teams operates as a general violence reduction
presence, attempting to address physical, systemic and
psychological violence. For a more specific description
of our work, please see our Goals. Our biggest challenge
is operating in the midst of an under-the-table war. It
is one thing to place a violence reduction team in the
middle of "hot" conflict, more typified by the
conflict in which our team in Hebron operates. It is
quite another thing to place a team in the context of
LIW. For example, to date we have yet to personally
witness a case of physical violence. We have, on the
other hand, seen the daily effects of the psychological
warfare waged here. The divisions of this conflict are
very complicated and complex.
Other Resources
For further resources, please check our Bibliography.
In addition you can peruse these suggested web sites on
Chiapas for additional background and continued updates
on the conflict:
Linking Organizations that work in Chiapas: English
Buying fair trade coffee is a great entry point for northerners wanting to do something about economic globalization. Find out more at http://www.transfairusa.org/
SIPAZ,
(Servicio Internacional para la Paz) - Peacebuilding in Chiapas, Mexico
Global Exchange
Witness for Peace - delegation opportunities
Linking Organizations that work in Chiapas: Spanish
CIEPAC - Centro de Investigación
Económica y Política y Acción Comunitaria in Chiapas, Center for Economic and Political
Research and Community Action
Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, A.C. (colloquially referred to as FrayBa.) For Spanish: http://www.laneta.apc.org/cdhbcasas/
For English (more limited, outdated presentation): http://www.laneta.apc.org/cdhbcasas/pres-eng.htm
Enlace Civil - Civilian Link
Links to Background and Current Information
Essays and Analysis on neo-liberal economic policy: http://www.zmag.org/ZNET.htm.
En Espanol: http://www.zmag.org/Spanish/index.htm
Melel Xojobal,
Provides Spanish-language daily news summary from major Chiapan and Mexican newspapers.
Chiapas95 a series of "lists" which distribute news and debate about Chiapas culled from other lists on the internet
"Mexico: Victory For Democracy or Neoliberalism?" is located at:
http://www.corpwatch.org/news/PND.jsp?articleid=1251
Mexico solidarity network: weekly news summary,
http://www.mexicosolidarity.org/news_archive.html
Autonomy and Global Capital in Chiapas (October 2000)
http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/comment/auto_global_cap_oct00.html
AP article on Salazar and Fox, from December 8, 2000:
http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/ap120800.html
Global Exchange Mexico campaign updates
http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/update.html
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